Leftwing Conspiracy Theorists are Counter-Insurgents

I was a teenage conspiracy theorists.

I’m a few decades from that point and I find myself with nothing, but contempt for the full-grown adults that engage in infowars level of conspiracies.

The George Floyd Rebellion resoundingly showed that conspiracy theorists, especially those identified as leftist, were among the front line of counterinsurgency and the that inability of the all sorts of radicals, to include militants and anarchists, to interrogate conspiracies offered means it is a counterinsurgency at the root.

We need to confront them.

I’ll break this down, I’m going to lightly touch on the George Floyd Rebellion, go into what happened with Rayshard Brooks, then talk about the rhetoric then what the reality is.

On the Rebellion

I had an associate, one of those odd Bordiga elitist type communists who seemed to associate with anarchists just purely out of hatred for the authoritarian’s piss poor mainstream anti-imperialist takes, and they moved from an area with no meaningful militant scene to an area with a longer history of it. The George Floyd Rebellion popped off and that scene went hard, as to be expected. This person was posting the most asinine conspiracy theories, the “leaving bricks out”, sharing the white dude smashing up an autozone, and complaining about fireworks in their new area during protests.

Aside from the bricks being left by cops bullshit and the irrelevant white dude smashing shit up, I was particularly annoyed at the fireworks comment because I had associated with that scene once. It was a tale as old as time, they’d done that for years even in the smallest groupings, and I confronted them over this. I told them it was a common means of combating cops, this group has a history of this, and that’s just not even considering noise marches. They resisted my comments, that from their high rise condo, they could see the fireworks, and they thought it was suspect.

I asked them, great that you can see it from the high rise, but have you gone to taken the streets at all to confirm this for yourself?

“Well, no..”

The annoyance ran deep.

I had told a white liberal that same uprising to visit the CHAZ (regardless of feelings about it personally, this isn’t a cosigning, but again a “hey, go look for yourself and report back what YOU saw”) and unlike the Leftcom, the white liberal did, and they were shocked at basically how none of the shit they saw on social media matched what they experienced in their day there.

But from that time period, the one that brings me anger the most is the fallout from the murder of Rayshard Brooks. That Wendys had every reason to be burnt the fuck down by a random stranger out of anger even before it was the source of Brooks’ murder. When videos came out, immediately the narrative of “outside agitator” hit, that it was random violent white people invading and causing hell. Nevermind that “outside agitator” was always a counterinsurgent charge lobbied against even MLK and most leftists will buy in significant degrees “outside agitator”. Was is an outside agitator in a global struggle? I digress.

I was angry though. I was messaging locals sharing the videos, people who were eager to call out the murder of Rayshard Brooks while occupying the same role of the cops who killed him in the effort to track down the “outside agitator”. I was mad, we could play true crime social media or what have you, but the impulse again is a long one, the impulse of a conspiracy theorist. To shout “I got one”. We’ll get into the rhetoric, but a conspiracy theorist is just another wannabe cop and they don’t have the self awareness to clock it yet.

I was arguing, telling them to take down the videos, and then finally she got caught, Natalie White, Rayshard Brooks’ girlfriend. I’m a hater first and foremost, but I’m equally a lover, and that broke me. If I was Natalie White, I’d be at a minimum also burning down a fucking Wendys. I remember DMing the locals again, great job you fucking wannabe cop, you got his girlfriend arrested, how’s that going for you? Only to be responded with a deletion of accounts. The cowards knew they were wrong and that simply meant disappearing, no longer associating with the fact that for a brief moment, while vocally condemning the state, they were its most effective counterinsurgent operatives.

I hope those snitches fear everyday of their fucking life. I want the worst for them. They didn’t do this out of fear, they did this as an act to eagerly assimilate into the power structure without a critical thought in their fucking heads. Somehow being the eager snitches of the state and thinking you are acting in opposition to it rather in accordance with is a brain rot most people are seemingly incapable of escaping.

They are in “opposition” to the state, seemingly, until they’re in power. The articulation of conspiracies is to justify either their approach to taking power or to justify their inaction, which I’ll get into. I keep referring to Malatesta, but I think again to him in “Why Fascism Won” when the Italian Republican Giuseppe Benci that their party hasn’t hindered the fascists in power because when they (the Italian Republicans) have the power of the state, they’d want to do more or less the same thing.

The Logic

Let’s break down the logic of these conspiracy theorists.

Conspiracy theories, in times of uprising, are always aimed at violence and to suggest that violence is either fake or initiated by an outsider to justify state repression. The alternative is always that nonviolence or inaction is the only good choice. Even “diversity of tactics” or “St Paul’s Principles” motherfuckers will utilize conspiracies in order to condemn militant tactics. I said in another writing I remember being in a march and a young Black boy was banging windows, that he got badjacketed by older Black folks into calming down. A child who was no older than twelve was accused of doing fed shit by being understandably angry in a protest against police violence.

The right wing may most certainly suggest the giant marches of liberals are paid protestors, etc, and this clearly isn’t a conspiracy the left buys because they’re the participants of those protests, but then again, as with leftists against most militants, they have zero hesitation to regurgitate right wing conspiracy theories in matters of tactics they’re uncomfortable with. To summarize:

Leftists don’t regurgitate right-wing talking points of protests being filled with paid-for protestors because they’re often the ones in those protests, but they will happily regurgitate that about militant actions for the exact same reason right-wingers do: because they don’t participate in that and refuse to acknowledge it as a reality to contend with, that there is a mass of people doing some shit they cannot fathom them doing.

We know for the past few decades nonviolence hasn’t done shit and is easily comparable to having done nothing. The anti-war protests, being the largest within American history, were the embodiment of mostly nonviolent protests, and were absolutely worthless. So if we assume that with a few decades of evidence that nonviolent protests are worthless and shift gears to insurgency, rather than being treated with a critical strategic eye, we have conspiracy theorists shouting “no!” “this is the only way” “any other way you are likely a fed” and it keeps the radicals in line because even so-called anarchists will buy a fedjacket wholesale with no evidence beyond a person being a bit to vocally militant.

No one is going to point fingers at the person silencing all dissent and only encouraging nonviolence as being a fed, even though their actions clearly don’t challenge the state and not just that, but they are eagerly working on behalf of the state as a counterinsurgent albeit unconsciously. I want to emphasize that no one is safe from being a conspiracy theorist and even if they don’t regurgitate some arguments, they will do other arguments that make effectively the same conclusions, even if they’re supposedly militant and condemn nonviolent action.

So again the logic here is:

If you are committing violence, you have no reason to actually do that. The only reason you would do that is is you are a fed, an op, or working alongside those who do repression. The only way we can ensure that you are not effective at repressing us is by either only being nonviolent or not doing anything, even if that’s contrary to reality.

It is a lose-lose argument because there’s no reasoning with a conspiracy theorist. If you disagree with this, you must be a fed, must be misinformed, or any number of other things. The problem here is the imagined fed in your head isn’t doing the repressing at this point, it is the conspiracy theorist acting on their conspiracies.

The Extended-Logic

Conspiracy theorists who seemingly do critique liberal nonviolence and call themselves anarchists or militants tend to extend these logics in other means. They’re snakes in the grass, they’re even more insidious than the usual conspiracy theorist because they seem more reasonable, and that reasoning is often rooted in a detachment. These types are usually techies of some kind or center an awareness around digital security or talk about hacking or anything quite a bit. Or they’re elder anarchists who, despite whatever militant talk they have, are materially indistinguishable from the non-profits they collaborate with.

These conspiracy theorists, they’ll perhaps reject the bricks in the streets conspiracy, maybe even someone entertain an infilitrator, but then they may hyper-obsess over something like signal being exposed, being a bad security app, that we shouldn’t used it, yadda yadda. Or they’ll suggest a person is moving through spaces too quickly because they’re good looking and might be an infiltrator on that alone. Let’s stick with the Signal example here, but we can replace signal with any form of technology at this point. This conspiracy theorist is not discussing opsec or just smart digital security, this conspiracy theorist is doing what the other ones do, but again in another way.

The extended logic here is that: the state is an omnipresent and omnipotent force capable of anything and in an effort to fight the state, we have to find ways to dodge its omnipresence and omnipotence. But its omnipresent and omnipotent, so there is no way to dodge it, yet we must dodge it. Therefore, we enter into an endless loop of not taking action against the state, but trying to find a means to circumvent the state, so we can potentially take action against the state, but we can’t find a means because the moment we do, the omnipresence and omnipotence will again have us adapt. Either it monitors all technology in such a way as the inevitability catch you or you finally fall prey to the wrong attractive person.

It is similar to my critiques on mass organizing, but this thinking is a fear-based issue of trying to take action only from a position of comfort and confidence, but there will never be such a thing, so we must take action despite the lack of confidence or comfort. The inaction has to be justified though to the conspiracy theorist, its not that they agree or disagree with fighting the state, but it is that they will always justify a reason not to and scorn reasons to.

This actually has me stumble into my next talking point on the reality, because this train of thought with tech seems like its more reasonable or its evidence based, but its not at all.

The Reality

What I’m discussing here is specific to one instance, but its a massive instance and we see it pop up in smaller forms. On January 20th, 2017, militants fucked up shit in D.C. It was great time. Hundreds took part, more than two hundred were arrested, mostly militants, and whatever technology they had was confiscated on them. Cellphones primarily and within 24 hours, the feds were attempting to log-in to these devices. Undoubtedly, these people were apart of radical networks, used signal, you name it. The feds even used a warrant against the DisruptJ20 website, pulled 1.3 million IP addresses, and they were on the hunt.

Yet by July 2018.. All charges were dropped and nothing resulted from this.

J20 existed and the militants active that day escaped felony charges. If you were to listen to a so-called anarchist conspiracy theorists about digital security and something like signal, you’d assume these people were thoroughly fucked. I’m hard pressed to assume that each of the 200+ people had flawless digital security, had zero record prior, and were the perfect ones to get arrested because there was no way they’d simply be caught.

So what is the alternative explanation for why the 200+ militants didn’t get successfully charged and disappeared? Despite the omnipresence and omnipotence of the state? Why did they, despite having more surveillance and technology than ever before, fail to convict 200+ people who were clearly present at J20 compared to the handful of convictions from the Green Scare in the early 2000s?

Because most successful charges are from the traditional forms of sleuthing and the militants did enough to prevent that by either being mostly properly bloc’d along with other basic security culture shit or a lack of evidence if they failed to do that. The state over-relied on technology and fascist collusion. Militants continued agitating on behalf of comrades during the trial, to such a point that a juror read “google jury nullification” in a bathroom stall, then in fact did google it, then shared it with the court. A small action with a lot of reverberations. Although I mention the good, even then there were still cowards preventing supporters from going on the offensive during the trial, but that’s beyond the purview of what I’m reflecting on at this moment.

The fact that hundreds of people in black bloc could go casually fuck up downtown D.C. on inauguration day and get away with it, even when nearly half were charged and arrested, is an impressive moment in militant history that does not get the credit it deserves. Without a doubt, militants fought police, broke through police lines, got injured during the course of the fighting, caused havoc for an entire day, those that were arrested went through even more hardcore shit, and yet they managed to escape without felonies or fines even though the trial itself was a long challenge.

What’s this to say?

When I hear of militants getting caught up or in trouble, it had little to do with the supposed omnipresence or omnipotence of the state. It was either an action in which trouble was expected or they did worse than the bare minimum to keep themselves safe (showing tattoos, wearing unique identifying apparel, not dealing with surveillance cameras beforehand). It is never “a network of anarchists was uncovered by the CIA hacking their television to surveil a secret meeting”. Their level of technological capability is not actually 1:1 repression capability, it is a flex at best, a blatant lie at worst, and propaganda regardless. Certainly, it is a factor to not be discounted, but mistaking technological capability for immediate and comparable repression is a grave mistake. Cameras are still the main foot soldiers of digital repression and we see this with the successful cases against militants or potential assassins, such as Luigi. When I had dealt with my own bout of repression, it was from my personal fuck up, and a phone call from someone who saw my shit and decided to let the state know. That’s it. Nothing fancy.

The Conclusion

This is not an argument against digital security or to not take the state seriously, but it is to point out that your supposed comrades might, out of fear, be counterinsurgents where their paranoia takes priority over everything else. At a minimal, that paranoia comes in the form of them constantly unwilling to take risks because of getting caught. On the other end, it’s them being very casual about fedjacketing and badjacketing even if its not explicit. Labeling other radicals or militants as dangerous because they aren’t restrained by cowardice, that they don’t let state repression slow them down. This isn’t a defense of people who are incredibly sloppy and loud, but there’s plenty of brave people that border getting fed and badjacketed because they don’t mince words.

You have an obligation, if you are a militant or an anarchist, to deal with these motherfuckers if you are true to your name. They’re likely the person actively help stir up general paranoia in your scenes that results in you becoming a bunch of do-nothings. They likely bloc actions, they get more militant people removed from scenes, and they plant the distrust the state needs for repression to succeed. Repression needs isolation and these conspiracy theorists are masters of isolating people out of their own cowardice, but acting as if they’re simply protecting their friends, when in reality, they’re ensuring their friends remain anarchists only in name.

Take stock of your own communities. Whose regularly put out paranoid takes that slowed you down or prevented an action entirely? Whose paranoia has driven who from what scenes? Whose paranoia is within reason, who manages to still take action vs whose paranoia is unfounded and prevents action? Whose been able to leverage a position of informal authority (knowledge-based) to stop your groups from doing anything? Whose been the gatekeeper to “protect” the scene while ensuring actions look like another liberal march? Whose conspiracy theories are always seemingly adjacent to fascists? Who regularly spews unfounded concerns with no evidence? Whose quick to fedjacket? To badjacket? Whose a hypocrite, condemning how you act online, maybe rightfully, but hosting a podcast that gets used for actual evidence in a trial? Whose paranoia ensures that whatever you do, it’s minimal? Ask yourself these questions to reflect on the likelihood you’ve been a victim and if you haven’t been a victim, maybe you’ve been an enabler. How should you rectify that?

1984 was a horror story about government false flag operations in a dystopia getting you caught up in resisting and anyone whose read it keeps that part as a parable, ignoring the part where the author was a snitch, which is a far more real threat than a government false flag operation that’ll get you caught up. Probably because the real lesson here would be not to associate with a democratic socialist.

Against the Sisyphean Mass

Sisyphean
adjective
Sis·​y·​phe·​an ˌsi-sə-ˈfē-ən variants or less commonly Sisyphian
: of, relating to, or suggestive of the labors of Sisyphus
specifically: requiring continual and often ineffective effort
A Sisyphean Task

From the first Trump administration to the current, there has been an unfortunate amount of broad, left antifascist coalitions, and it is clear when anarchists are influenced by the worst of other ideologies.

Electoralists, or legalitarians, for obvious reasons treat progress as a numbers game. There is a perpetual state of raising awareness, trying to recruit more people (although to what means), and that if they eventually get enough, they can make change. Statists, who may not be electoralists, echo a similar sentiment, although arguing it under different theories, and incidentally anarchists have bought this wholesale.

When you have breadtubers using the term democracy uncritically as a positive term, you know not only are they illiterate with anarchist and communist histories, you also know they’ve long lost the plot. They’re just democratic socialists with an edge.

I use the term edge lightly, it is a dull blade with one pass on a whetstone.

The issue is the pursuit of mass, numbers, “bodies”, is a Sisyphean act that consumes the entirety of “movement” spaces.

How do we educate?
How do we propagandize?
How do we build community?

Yet without a direction to turn to, nonprofits, legalitarians, statists, and anarchists who believe this merely becomes hoarders of frustrated people with no where to appropriately turn their energies into a form of counterinsurgent edging.

The mass is an abstraction.

There is no number to aim for, there is no tipping point, and these groups hardly bring in as many as they lose over the course of their lifetime. They move the boulder and the boulder rolls back down hill, then they resume the charade all over again.

This is not a theory or a praxis rooted in the current reality. It is an organizing strategy built on insecurity, of being afraid of being outnumbered, of being afraid of never having enough, of being afraid of not having the resources.

It is not built on reason; it is built on a flawed logic that suggests having more means we’re capable of more. I can hear it now, “but clearly with more, you can do more” and I would beg you to look at the early 2000s anti-war movement, the largest protest movement in American history, and look at its successes: none, whatsoever, except a plethora of public theater to feel super weird about.

All that is leftover is cringe, broken hearts, and bad theory.

More mass does not mean more skilling up, it does not mean more direct action, it does not mean much of anything. What does it mean? It means that electoralism that has effectively brainwashed supposed anti-electoralists where “more people” is not only an unequivocal necessity, but the prerequisite to anything else.

We cannot act without more people
We cannot take risks without more people
We cannot “win” without more people

This train of thought becomes the sole, driving obsession of orgs.

If anything, decades of American organizing have proven the alternative, that the more we center on educating people, recruiting people, not only will we not get more people, we will do less things with the people we do have. These organizations are not asking themselves, what if this is all we ever get? What can we meaningfully do with this? What are we capable of with what we have?

No wonder Americans can’t block any boats, despite whatever the nonprofit resistance has suggested. They’re more afraid of deterring people by committing to a courageous action against genocide. They’re afraid of scaring people off until they can hopefully educate them enough to instill confidence. Escalation, agitation, actual conflict, these are all seemingly a deterrent to mass organizing and therefore should be avoided at all costs. Cointelpro could only wish to be as successful as the counterinsurgent byproducts of organizing to build mass, of maintaining the left’s status quo.

This isn’t to say we can do it alone or we can do it with a few. This is a social war after all. It is to say that if we wait until we have enough people, we’ll be dead long before we are ready. This is us at a crucial moment in history and refusing to do what must be done at this moment, hoping we can buy time a little longer, when we are out of time.

We must act as if we are all we have.

A Fear of Violence is also a Fear of Change

I reject nonviolence and the American left’s obsession with it.

I’m against a diversity of tactics, which is almost always used to weaponize against violence and militancy while claiming to be not against it.

The “diversity of tactics” recognizes the status quo in which there hasn’t been “violent” protests beyond riots in decades and the violence of those riots is almost exclusively to property or the perpetrators of state violence. The imagined strategy of violence is still exclusive to the historical imaginary and we see this in art, in current writings on violence, where violence has been relegated to the myths and truths of radical history.

As someone who does statistics for a living, unwillingly, this is an imprecise measure of what I’ll offer you, but I’m certain if we looked at the actual numbers, that reality would be far harsher. I am ignoring riots in this capacity only because if property violence is the epitome of violence from the left in this country, we’re fucked, but if we look at organized, formal or informal, violence against the state and in the name of liberation, whether this be in the form of actions of the Black Liberation Army (BLA), the Weather Underground, various assassinations, and random deeds of anarchists, if we were to total the events into a singular timeline, the days spent would not even add up to a year of actual violence.

Why am I making this comparison?

Because, we know from various liberal sources that since 2020, we can easily identify a single year where more than ten thousand demonstrations have happened and protests where we’ve had upwards of a few million in attendance (Hands Off, Women’s March, etc).

With all due respect to the militants in Portland holding down street action during the George Floyd Rebellion, just to reference a few, I think we can argue what is perceptibly seen as “violent” protest would account for less than a percent of all movement action within the modern American left. Even when it was flourishing in the historic American left, it was still an incredibly small percentage of the population. At its height, the BLA had less than 100 members most likely in the decade it was active, the Weather Underground even less, and there was absolutely overlap.

All insult to the DSA, their membership eclipses these organizations entirely, and I mean that in the most negative sense.

What use is it to compare the two, you might ask.

To emphasize that organizations committed to liberatory violence hold an outweighed existence both within political history and the imaginative.

The American left so readily condemns “violence” when 99% of so-called radicals have never committed it. Even if they don’t condemn it, they are as easily eager to “we should treat both strategies equally” which does not actually uplift “violent” protest or militant strategies, but is another variation of left “unity” which seeks to silence the discussion about actual, militant, meaningful resistance, and does not in fact center violence or militancy.

Make no mistake, the status quo of the American left is:

Non-violent “direct action” and electoralism as pillars of resistance, which were the two main strategies behind the anti-war movement in the early 2000s, which were the largest protests in American history, and yet did absolutely fucking nothing. Yet these never became nails in the coffin for NVDA, electoralism, or mass movement strategies. Anyone who suggests otherwise is being a scold whose unwilling to actually critique their politics or they’re deeply afraid, which should bring more internalized shame than it actually seems too. 

“Why do you keep quoting violence and mentioning militancy? “

Because of radicals who are actually liberals and their sensitivities.

Even in their own imaginary, the violence is not violence.

Violence is a moral term, one of negative implications (not to me), and to reluctantly cater to who may be reading this, I pivot to militancy. Self-defense as it has been performed within movement spaces is not an act of violence, but it is a threat of violence if violence were to occur. Rather than perpetually making this distinction, I would simply like to move to calling it militancy, which refers to a capability of committing violence, but not always an action of violence. Shooting a gun at someone and having a gun in case of shit going down are two different things, but both are militant. I loathe to even kind of use this comparison because I also don’t think militancy = guns, but again, it is within the left imaginary. Or bombs.

Back to the issue at hand, I’ve been in organizing spaces where we’d organize according to the St. Paul Principle’s as a means of respecting a diversity of tactics, but that actually meant nothing because by nature of who we’d organize with, in the name of unity, and not wanting to scare them off, we’d scale down what actions we were willing to commit.

I’m against bomb-throwing simply because its too indiscriminate and I think you should have the courage to use a weapon that demands accuracy, but do you think a democratic socialist would meaningfully share organizing space with a bomb-thrower or would-be assassin? Not even. These spaces are made of up so-called militants willing to degrade their militancy for the sake of a coalition that does nothing.

I’ve been in other organizing spaces where even joking about armed resistance was squashed with raised-voices by people who’d never experienced an FBI or police door-knock. I wasn’t making the joke, but as an observer it was incredibly telling what was allowed to be said by group consensus and what wasn’t out of fear, which is the main driver of counterinsurgency within the “movement” and not by direct agents of the state.

They’ve become so obsessed with the notion that anyone speaking of direct, violent action is secretly a cop, that they’ve effectively ensured no meaningful action will occur because any real resistance is now meant with contempt and charges of conspiracy. Leftwing conspiracy theorists are the frontlines of counterinsurgency and should be meant with violent contempt in every space they exist until they’re made irrelevant.

There has never been an overthrow of the state in which militancy was not the primary driver. There is no such thing as a peaceful overthrow and never has been.

There’s been erasure of militancy, there’s been overemphasis on nonviolence, and an overemphasis on the failure of “violent” actions or organizations because the risk is higher, but even the “failures” of violence can be more powerful than the greatest successes of nonviolence. The “failure” of John Brown’s raid most certainly was critical in escalating the US into a civil war (hm another act of violence) that ended slavery as we then knew it (although took other forms), could you imagine if it had succeeded as they’d planned?

When non-violence fails, it often looks awfully similar to what it looks like when it succeeds, and if that’s not true, then when has it ever succeeded without the looming threat of a violent uprising in the background?

Do the Crime They’ll Convict You For Because They’ll Convict You Even If You Don’t

Forward: I mentioned in my introduction that I am an informal organizer in formal spaces. It is an unenvious position, but I believe strategically it is important for certain things. Mainly to be the random insidious person going, “these are kind people, but this shit seems futile, right? Like we can do something better?” which has been effective in building out a community that I believe is capable of many things. This also means I typically write analysis for “movement” people on what is happening. There was a request to write on the Insurrection Act. I wrote it intending to be a formal memo to the non-profit movement types, immediately got annoyed, and went on a tangent. I figured it was no longer worth giving them because of my critiques and concerns on strategy. Rather than change it up, I am offering it here in its entirety. For timeline purposes, I wrote this on April 9th.

The Insurrection Act (IA) is coming on April 20th or sometime shortly thereafter

Trump has publicly stated that he may not even need the IA, but whether this is grandstanding or something his legal advisors have concluded is yet to be seen. When discussing the IA, there is a lot of phrasing around martial law and incredible dystopian visions, but these broad strokes make it a bit of a challenge to ask, how does this change the landscape in which we resist? The devil is in the details and with little to no information at this time, we can only assume what the devil may look like. This is one such attempt. I will break it down into three groupings: the lead up, the border and beyond, and next steps. To be abundantly clear: my breakdown of the Insurrection Act and its lead up is akin to a memo, but my recommendation on next steps is a lot more radical.

The Lead Up


Trump’s intended use of the Insurrection Act did not begin with his day one executive order on returning to office, rather it happened much earlier. It began in his first term, where he wanted to use it, but did not have the support of his SecDec or military leadership. This failure very explicitly shaped how he would attempt to approach it again in his second term with the help of the Center for Renewing America’s (CRA) Russel Vought, a Christian Nationalist who worked on Project 2025 and is now the current director of the Office of Management and Budget, along with Jeffrey Clark, a fellow at CRA who was Trump’s lead in attempting to overturn the election and was indicted as a result. Clark is particularly nefarious, when he was told that Trump refusing to leave office would cause riots, his response was “That’s why there’s an Insurrection Act”. Clark was identified as the lead Trump official on the Insurrection Act, who has managed to keep incredibly low on the radar (comparatively) to a point there is little public information that Clark has actually been appointed to head the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, an obscure, but important element to the American Empire’s function.

Vought literally stated in a public recording that CRA was working to build a “shadow” Office of Management and Budget, a “shadow” Office of Legal Counsel, so that they could upon immediately being elected remove and address legal barriers that would block Trump’s strategies. These people wrote the EOs and every other legal piece to come from the Trump admin, by their own standards this is an 180 Day Blitz which would place us at the end of June. If the IA passes at the end of April, it would hold the space of the last two months of that blitz, so we are either seeing an immediate ramp up at the end of April or the IA serves as the next-phase following the legal blitz, which would place it as really hitting the streets by June. My personal assumption is closer to April or beginning of May due to current ICE actions.

This lead up would be dishonest if I only discussed how we got here by providing an analysis of Trump and his fascists. The road the fascists are taking to power had its very bricks laid by Democrats and Republicans alike. Not only did they lay these bricks, but the American left has done little to remove these bricks and begin to weaponize them. It is not enough to discuss the successes of Empire in its pursuit of domination, we must own where we failed, especially if we failed on our own accord.

The bulk of the left, regardless of ideology, has been consumed uncritically by a conception of mass movement. That we need more people if we are to do anything. It makes sense, especially as our politic centers community, so why wouldn’t we need more? The problem is that the anti-war movement against the Iraq War should have proven to us that our over-centering of mass movement means little to nothing if we do nothing with it. They were the largest protests within American history and yet, what did they do for Iraq? We could’ve had zero protests and achieved the exact same outcome. Its energies and momentums were redirected into worthless avenues of change: anti-war political candidates, “non-violent direct action” which is really just a defanged version of what NVDA used to be, and a bitter resentment of the American left’s inability to do anything.

Are we really going to build another largest protest in history that again accomplishes nothing? The fundamental problem is that our reliance on mass movement as our driving force is similar to that of another problem I will discuss later in that: it is not about having a “mass” movement. It is about having enough people that we can feel confident about creating change and taking action. That is the problem though, it is a strategy guided by a feeling, a feeling ultimately resting on overcoming anxiety and fear. It is abstract, immaterial, and fleeting. Our strategy has never been dictated by “what if this is all that we have, what can we do with it? ” because that is a terrifying conception.

I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but that’s what the now demands. We must fly into action, without confidence, without mass, with terror and fear in our hearts, but we must act anyways because we are on a timer. We’ve been on a timer. Really, we should’ve had a timer before, but the victims of imperialism never warranted it for the American left, the genocide in Palestine never made a sense of urgency beyond the usual sit ins, the ecological collapse seems to not be at the forefront of the pop left’s minds, and now that fascism is home to roost, this is the moment in which we either recognize there is an urgency in how we move or we lose. We lose lose. Our failures rolled out the carpets for this to happen and we are to blame as much as the actors who pushed us towards this because we simply refused to treat the moment with the urgency that was warranted. This is our karma for our ineptitude.

The Border and Beyond


The justification most publicly stated and within the executive order itself is that the Insurrection Act would be reviewed for use on the Southern Border. We know, frankly, that’s bullshit, but with the devil in the details, what will happen at the Border and how will that spill out? All of the fans of the Insurrection Act are currently in power and they are quieter than ever about it since the release of the executive order, it is impossible at this point to know what the April 20th report will contain.

About Face (AF) members wrote a situation report specifically on how the US military is all ready operating on the southern border. It also suggests what might be to come, but I’ll elaborate my thoughts here as concisely as I can in no particular order.

  • Tom Homan, Obama’s former chief deporter and Trump’s border czar wanted to utilize the military in a way that wouldn’t require the Insurrection Act by having them take over the logistical elements to allow ICE to be more present on the streets doing enforcement. He saw it as a force multiplier when talking about this in November 2024. This is the current reality as of April 2025.
  • In Nov of 2023, Stephen Miller told Charlie Kirk that he wanted to deputize National Guard as immigration enforcement officers within their respective states of neighboring states, with ICE leading operations and scaling up with National Guard. Both of these statements appear in a Center for Immigration Study report titled Don’t Fear the Insurrection Act, which is a fascist operation I won’t be sourcing
  • We know the full administration has every intent to utilize the military as a force multiplier whether or not the IA is implemented. We know the administration wanted to use the IA on protestors during the George Floyd Rebellion. We know ICE is currently deporting US citizens to El Salvador, they are ignoring court orders to return people from El Salvador, and we know ICE is being weaponized against Palestinian organizers, union organizers, etc.
  • We should have every assumption that if the IA is enacted, it will be under the pretense of “it isn’t enough to secure the southern border, we must secure every entrypoint into the US”.
  • We should also have an assumption of military escalation. As mentioned in the above report, it is clear that the military is list-building “cartels” along the border, and nothing should be taken off the plate, everything should be assumed from actual on the ground assaults to drone strikes.
  • Any solidarity with immigrants or Gaza will be utilized as justification alone for detainment, we see this all ready, but it will ramp up extremely and we can easily envision an entire solidarity encampment, like at Columbia University, simply disappeared. The Insurrection Act will be weaponized against anyone in these two camps (Palestine solidarity organizers and immigrants), but definitely not just these two, they are very much the temperature gauge for how much they can get away with.

Next Steps

To take a spin on Joseph Déjacque, in the beginning of this article, I had only wanted to analyze the Insurrection Act, and I’ve been led (by myself) to critique what we are currently doing and what we should do next. I’m going to be an asshole on a soap box here, but you are also choosing to read this, so either you can treat the first two pages as a primer, or you can get on board. If you feel a knee-jerk reaction to whatever I say, please just continue reading.

If the language deters you, then I find you already incapable of meaningfully resisting fascism, and I am uninterested in speaking to a wall, so begone. Either you will find out why you have the knee-jerk reaction or you’ll show yourself to be unmovable and therefore you’d be in the category of someone I’m not interested in organizing with in the first place.

If you believe in a legal solution, you are clinging to an illusion that is undermining you more than aiding you. There is no legal solution here, Malatesta, one of the original antifascists and anarchists, noted this in regards to the Italian fascists in “Why Fascism Won” in 1923. The socialist parties thought they could defeat fascism through the courts, through voting, and their failure to fight fascism would give way to the existence of fascism abroad in Germany. I would directly attribute that the legalitarian’s unwillingness to take the fight to the streets and over-emphasis on reform would provide such a meaningless resistance as to make the Holocaust inevitable.
We can and should take the blame when we refuse to fight and I mean fight. Marching is not fighting. These are parades at best, pathetic parades at worst. If your action tantamounts to a bad car accident, review said action. The best form of non-violent resistance, if I am to tolerate it, is the one that understands property destruction also falls under their purview. A pacifist should be actively, physically destroying the machines that enable fascism since they’re unwilling to fight the fascist themselves, otherwise they’re dead weight on the movement as an example of NVDA.

Again, we won’t win by sign holding in the streets, we won’t win by quirky sloganeering, and we won’t win by redeeming liberals, who were accomplices and enablers of this fascist boomerang up until they became its victims. I can already feel the knee jerk reaction to reading this and I don’t care. Actually, I do care, but more about the victims of the state than a feel good politic. We’re failing and we’re behind, but I have zero interest in giving up.

The Trump admin is interested in crisis making, but conspiracy theorists would have you believe crises are necessary to create legal justifications for repression, which is why they get so angry at “violent” protestors, by having an absolutely shit political analysis. The crisis making is not for legal justifications, it is simply to ensure a consolidation of their internal forces. The soldier questioning authority questions less when, in the act of repressing, those they see themselves as in a fraternal order with are harmed. The state doesn’t need to justify itself to you, again anarchists know this, the state is justifying itself to those who would carry out its orders. These are two different things.

Again, I can feel the knee jerk impulse. No, our strategy should not cater to that soldier either. Sure, there are folks who should agitate and best can, but the larger meta-strategy cannot be bothered to be concerned with strategy that would derail it for a more effective strategy. Often times I hear, “let’s not make perfect the enemy of action”, but really this is used to justify continuing the current shit strategies of resistance. I’m not asking for perfect, I am not asking to improve the current protest strategies, I am asking for a wholesale rejection, and I am asking for something else entirely.

So, what should be our next steps?


Ignore the conspiracy theorists, ignore the peace police, ignore the people who won’t risk going to a penal colony or die to resist Empire. If the Trump admin wants a crisis for internal justification, our job is not to pacify the crisis, but our job is to exacerbate it until it is out of his admin’s control. I said I am asking for a wholesale rejection, by that I mean, throw out the term de-escalation and plug in the word escalation.

If we aren’t moving fast, we aren’t moving at all.

Trump wants an economic crisis via tariffs? Great, let’s do his admin one better. We block the ports, we block the boats, we block the most high priority parts of logistics. If we shut down every port on the west coast for a sustained period of time, I’m talking weeks if not months, we would cripple the US economy that makes the fascists unable to act. If the unions won’t let us, ignore whatever radical laurels they had decades ago, their inaction over Palestine has proved how little worth they have, and they can either join us or we can simply work against them too.

“But wait, won’t that hurt us? “

There is no way in hell that fighting fascism we won’t be hurt. We fucked up, our ancestors fucked up, hurt is a guarantee now, but the question is, can we make them hurt more than we get hurt? As a chronically ill person who needs daily medications, if blocking the ports means I no longer have access to those medications, oh well. Yeah, it’ll suck, but my health is doomed anyways under fascism and capitalism, at least I’m hopefully taking these fucks with me or my community finds alternative means to provide for me. If you think there’s a safe way to fight back, just stand aside. We have everything to lose, but that has always been the reality and you just didn’t want to accept it.

“Won’t Trump use the military to re-secure the ports? “

That would be great if he tried to. It would mean pulling troops from operating under ICE, it would pull troops from the border, it would pull troops from abroad. This is our chance to undermine imperialism and border imperialism by causing a crisis that gets out of hand. We must be the crisis, we must control the tempo, and we can never let them catch up.

“Trump wants to use the Insurrection Act to effectively create a bigger police force.”

Great. We need to undermine the ability of the state to enforce itself. De-arresting, interrupting prison transports, shutting down airports. This is a surveillance-state, but let’s flood the surveillance feeds with drivel, with misinformation, with redirection, with the incomprehensible. We are mistaken if we treat this as a fight for territory, our goal should be to make as many pockets of physical space where the state simply cannot enforce itself, where cops fear to trend. ICE can’t deport a family if they’re afraid to go into the family’s neighborhood and, make no mistake, these people do feel fear. There’s just few who eagerly chose to make them afraid and if thousands more of us took on fear as an active project of liberation, they’d be a whole lot less effective.

“The cops are so violent-“

No. That stops now. We’ve created an imagined violence against protestors that is actually a fraction of what it was a century ago. Protestors a century ago were infinitely at more danger than we have been in decades. People like to bring up that rioters in Paris don’t have to be afraid of French police like we do American. To be frank, that is counter-insurgent propaganda. Plenty of people die abroad resisting their governments, Americans mainly find an excuse for cowardice, which is precisely why the first victims of the Trump admin are either non-Americans or Americans with dual citizenships, both because of the legal space they occupy, but the reality being that the majority of Americans are doing meaningless bullshit like a Hands Off protest.

Even among the American militants and radicals who do face high-risk shit and actual repression, the repression is over-stated. The Green Scare comes to mind and with all due respect to those comrades, just from experience in radical spaces, the total number of victims of the Green Scare is less than a fraction of a percent of the would-be militant population of Americans. We let horrific moments of repression unduly influence the rest of us, no matter how small they actually are in terms of numbers. It is bittersweet that I say this because the undue influence is directly related to our love for life and freedom, so yes, a few harmed is a big deal to us, but we need to contest with the reality we’ve let ourselves be scared into being overly cautious.

There is no way to fight fascism without a risk of bloodshed or deportation. None. There is no safe way about this. I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but if you actually want to fight back, you have to come to terms with this. You will be going through a rapid set of growing pains in the next few months, you should’ve gone through them before, but since you want to be useful now, the pains are now.
For too-long we’ve coddled the very same people we expect to fight fascism and like a parent who prevented their child from experiencing the cruelty of the world and their place in it, we have set people up for failure. Despite having set people up for failure, we continue the same trends of interaction that we did in the first admin. That we shouldn’t shame people for how they protest, that we shouldn’t shame people for not knowing. I’ve seen the age demographics of those shit protests, the majority of them were adults in the first Trump admin too, and clearly these fucks did zero education considering Hands Off censored words like Gaza and were clearly a pro-Copmala crowd. These people are not our friends, by and large, maybe a few wayward souls or a few youths, but this is rooted in a mass movement politic that assumes, “if we do not have enough, we’re doomed to failure”. I am arguing that we will never have enough, that it is an abstraction that undermines organizing, and that our pursuit should be of willing people who clearly understand the threat, then centering strategy on that. Maybe more will learn and join us, maybe we actually all ready have enough, but if we don’t do something, if we are busy waiting to build mass, then we’re simply waiting for our turn in the camps.

So, in no particular order, even perhaps simultaneously:
1. Shut down the economy
2. Interfere with the ability of the state to enforce itself
3. Create alternative means of community support.

For 3, We cannot wait for this to commit to 1 and 2 or we risk the fight back never happening. This is often the biggest reason against inaction because we want all of our affairs in order. This is the actual “perfect” that is the enemy against action in many organizing spaces. If anything, 1 and 2 will exacerbate the necessity of 3, whereas 3 without 1 and 2 can fail simply on the complacency of community alone. Remove the ability to be complacent may force some hands, but action must happen even if all the supports are not in place. Everyone is so desperate for “dual-power” concepts or ways of providing material aid, but like mass action, this is actually a front for “I don’t want action until I’m in a position of comfort to do said action” which is illusory and stagnating. We have to reckon with engaging in the fight from a place of discomfort. We don’t have the numbers, the equipment, the anything, but if we wait for all of that to be ready to fight, then we won’t be ready at all, we’ll be late, and we’ll be lost.

People will use all kinds of disingenous analogies here, like building a boat in motion or something, but even prior to fascism, we ignored for a long time there is a timer on our work. The victims of American imperialism were never valued enough to be a timer, clearly as indicated by the largest protest in US history being against the Iraq war doing absolutely jack shit for Iraq, and so one may think that an ecological collapse or fascism would finally add a timer for how we organize, and it seemingly hadn’t. We do not have the luxury of time to build what we think is ideal to fight back, we never actually have, but the long-standing movement doctrine was this was a generations-long fight. Of course if you think this is a generations long fight you will have zero sense of fucking urgency to fight now. I’m here hoping you will realize the fight is now and our timer is out. We make do with what we have or we don’t make it out at all.

 https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/declaring-a-national-emergency-at-the-southern-border-of-the-united-states/


 https://www.politico.com/news/2024/04/04/jeffrey-clark-ethics-rules-00150631


 https://archive.is/20240615160759/https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/11/05/trump-revenge-second-term/#selection-1221.2-1221.43


 https://www.sej.org/publications/watchdog/trump-pick-head-secretive-agency-adept-stifling-info-regs


 https://www.propublica.org/article/video-donald-trump-russ-vought-center-renewing-america-maga